Monday 18 February 2013

Positive Psychology and the use of whig history

This is inspired by some of the discussion after the research seminar on Monday, as well as this blog post that CJ posted some time ago but reminded me of yesterday.


In their introduction to positive psychology Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) provide an historical sketch. That historical sketch presents all the main failings of whig history; past psychology being presented only from the position of the current authors, movements being praised or denigrated from a position that some current form of psychology is the correct one; and a particular failing of whiggish histories of psychology, that the approach to psychology adopted by the authors solves any problems that they have identified.

I have looked for an open access copy of Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi to link to, but unfortunately I have not been able to find one, so with regret you will have to rely on my description of it. Those of you that have institutional or personal access to the American Psychologist will be able to better judge if I am being fair in my characterisation of them.

I have been influenced by Yen's 2010 paper on the historical narratives in Positive Psychology, and by the ideas expressed on the Anarpsy facebook group.


 The history of psychology from a positive psychology perspective

The historical sketch of psychology found in Seligman and Csikzentmihalyi goes like this:

Before world war II psychology had three missions, "curing mental illness, making the lives of all people more productive and fulfilling, and identifying and nurturing high talent." (p6)

After world war II, because of funding being made available by what was then called the Veteran's Administration, psychologists found they could make a living by treating mental illness, and because of funding provided by the National Institute of Mental Health academic found they could get funding for research if that research was about pathology.

In the 50 years that follow "the other two fundamental missions of psychology--making the lives of all people better and nurturing genius--were all but forgotten." (p6).

Seligman and Csikzentmihalyi describe the situation; "Psychologists saw human beings as passive foci: Stimuli came on and elicited responses (what an extraordinarily passive word!). External
reinforcements weakened or strengthened responses. Drives, tissue needs, instincts, and conflicts from childhood pushed each of us around." (p6)

One potential branch of psychology, which first created this critque of psychology was Humanistic Psychology. According to Seligman and Csikzentmihalyi this came into existence a decade later than the immediate after war period.

Unfortunately, humanistic psychology did not attract much of a cumulative empirical base, and it spawned myriad therapeutic self-help movements. In some of its incarnations, it emphasized the self and encouraged a self-centeredness that played down concerns for collective well-being (p7)
Even worse, in their history Humanistic psychology was responsible for self help books, that now crowd out the scholarly tomes on psychology.

The three missions of psychology

It is hard for me to reconcile the three missions identified by Seligman and Cskizentmihalyi and the history of psychology. However I will try to compare these three missions with my understanding of the history of Psychology, that understanding owes a debt to the work of Kurt Danziger, Graeme Richards and Dai Jones.

Curing Mental Illness

There is an ongoing discussion over whether Freud and the other pre WWII psychoanalysts should be seen as a part of the mainstream discipline, or a competitor discipline that was more successful than psychology because it held the promise of curing mental illness. That argument was live at the time and their are contemporary psychologists who very much saw it as part of the discipline, and others that rejected it. The first and second world war are both important to the rising profile of psychology. During the first world war the US army recognised the potential problems of shell shock, and supported the efforts of Woodworth to create a screening test for recruits; with those picked up by the screening test to then be subjected to a clinical interview by a psychiatrist. The test was never introduced as thankfully the war ended, and Woodworth sold a slightly altered test to businesses who wanted to screen out potentially 'maladjusted' employees. In the UK C.S. Myres, and W. McDougall were pivotal in getting recognition for shell shock, and advocating psychological treatments for it. Best known because of Pat Barker's regeneration trilogy is W.H.R. Rivers. Rivers should be known to psychologists because he co-founded the British Journal of Psychology, and was instrumental in helping to run the first two experimental psychology laboratories in the UK, had prior to this gained his MD, and used his own version of 'the talking cure' to try to help officers suffering from shell shock.

However, in the USA, psychology gained credibility, just after world war one, for the intelligence tests run on recruits.

There is a theme here which Seligman and Cskizentmihalyi do not pick out, the alliances psychology has formed with the military as part of promoting and defining the discipline. It goes beyond trying to deal with the suffering of soldiers, and developing psychological tests for recruits. In world war two the 'American Solider' research project, as well as launching the American version of social psychology as if it were the only version available, led to a range of changes to US army practice including "Expert and Combat Infantrymen’s Badges, revision of pay scales, the demobilization point system, and influenced what appeared in Yank, the Army Weekly, Stars & Stripes, and Frank Capra’s “Why We Fight” propaganda films". Latterly psychologists have been instrumental in helping the US torture suspects in Gauntanamo bay. It is odd that this historical theme was not picked out by Seligman and Cskizentmihalyi as positive psychology has firmly allied itself with the US military for
the Comprehensive Soldier (and family) Fitness project. However they are trying to claim their product is better than 'psychology as usual' rather than just being a slight re-branding.

 Making the lives of all people better

There have been, and still are, several organisations within psychology that have this as their remit. Community Psychology, as exemplified by Isaac Prilleltensky has long pursued the idea of giving people meaningful control over their lives as a step towards improving well being. As Community Psychology dates back to 1965 it is disruptive of the narrative that Positive psychologists are weaving. Critical Psychology, which again develops during the time period which Seligman and  Cskizentmihalyi claim psychology is only interested in working within the model of the DSM. Both of these do include a thorough critique of the psychological mainstream, whereas positive psychology reinforces that mainstream while attempting to carve a professional niche.

Even in that positive psychology is not unique in proclaiming an attempt to make the lives of all people better, sports psychology, health psychology and educational psychology all attempt to do that.

Identifying and nurturing high talent

From within the mainstream of psychology sports psychology, educational psychology and occupational psychology might all realistically claim that they have been identifying and nurturing high talent.

However, a more pervasive theme, that Positive Psychology joins in with 'psychology as usual' is classification of people. Intelligence tests, personality tests, attitude scales and now character strengths and virtues, are part of the continuing effort by psychology, since the early part of the twentieth century to classify people, and in a Foucaultian twist get people to classify themselves.

Conclusions

Positive psychologists write a history of the discipline in order to position Positive Psychology as something new and radical.  Unfortunately there appears to be nothing new or radical about it. The themes of forming allegiance with the power of the nation state through working with the military has a long history, as does producing classification systems that reflect current concerns. By writing such a poor history of psychology the main thing that it did for me was to make be sceptical of any claims about history and culture that were made subsequently. However, while there have been dissenting and critical voices as far as I can tell most psychologists cannot recognise this as poor history. That perhaps is also an important lesson.


Sunday 10 February 2013

The Templeton Foundation and Positive Psychology

While reading around about Positive Psychology I had noticed that the John Templeton Foundation was one of the listed financial supporters for the research listed on the 2005 paper.

When trying to work out the method adopted in the empirical work to establish the commonalities of the virtues across time I read up a little on Ninian Smart whose work they used as a starting point for deciding on which texts to read I noticed Ninian Smart was due to give a Templeton lecture at the time of his death.

So I decided to see if the John Templeton Foundation published a list of fundees and projects. On the front page I came across this which is interesting.

There some parallels between positive psychology and objectives that the John Templeton Foundation has.

Seligman and Csikszentmihaly claim that one the missions of psychology before WWII was the nuturing of exceptional talent; while there are a few examples of that scattered across the history of psychology I would contest the idea that it has been one of the missions of psychology. It is however one of the aims of the John Templeton Foundation.

The virtues that the foundation support

awe, creativity, curiosity, diligence, entrepreneurialism, forgiveness, future-mindedness, generosity, gratitude, honesty, humility, joy, love, purpose, reliability, and thrift.

Map well onto the character strengths and virtues that positive psychology assert are universal.

All very speculative right now, although Templeton did fund the movement at its beginning.

http://www.templeton.org/what-we-fund/grants/positive-psychology-research

Edited to Add. 12/2/13

Positive psychology character strengths and Templeton virtues


  1. Creativity - Creativity
  2. Curiosity - Curiosity
  3. Open Mindedness - 
  4. Love of learning -
  5. Perspective - future mindedness
  6. Authenticity - honesty
  7. Bravery - 
  8. Persistence - reliability
  9. Zest - Joy
  10. Kindness - generosity
  11. Love - love
  12. Social intelligence
  13. Fairness
  14. Leadership - entrepreneurialism
  15. Teamwork
  16. Forgiveness - forgiveness
  17. Modesty - humility
  18. Prudence - thrift
  19. Self regulation diligence
  20. Appreciation of beauty and excellence - awe
  21. Gratitude - gratitude
  22. Hope
  23. Humour
  24. Religiousness
So the Templeton virtues have been proven by science to be ubiquitous across time and cultures by positive psychology, well that is handy.

Friday 8 February 2013

Positive Psychology as a form of Cultural Apologetics

This blog post is meant as a summary of the research seminar I am doing on Monday at the University of Gloucestershire. I am imagining that it serves three purposes.

First it will help me get the structure of the talk down. When I lecture and give conference papers I prefer to work without notes, but that does mean I need various strategies to help me.

Second a number of people aren't able to come to the seminar and have expressed regret, so this format will give them an opportunity to see what I had to say.

Finally some might prefer this as a forum for raising arguments and objections rather than doing that face to face.

Positive Psychology as a form of Cultural Apologetics

Positive Psychology is the movement within psychology, whose manifesto was laid out by Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000).

As a scientific movement Positive Psychology has three pillars, subjective experience, character strengths and virtues and the creation of positive institutions in society.

In the historical sketch that they give psychology had come to focus too much on dealing with mental health issues and suffering, and had thus lost sight of two missions which they claim the academic discipline had before World War Two, making the lives of all people more productive and fulfilling and identifying and nurturing high talent.

With positive psychology, they claim, it will be possible to re-discover these historical missions of psychology, and we will be saved from a negative and misanthropic discipline, that views people as victims and only tries to relieve suffering without trying to build talent.

In 1997 writing in his book about how psychological language has been culturally created Kurt Danziger uses the example of motivation. As a term it has a short history,first used in the current psychological sense in 1904, gaining popularity as a term in that sense from the 1920s on. Originally used to mean having some biological need an attempt was made in the 1930s to create a none biological list of human needs. Of this effort, coordinated by Henry Murray in 1938 Danziger says:


Elevating one set of historically contingent conventions to the status of universal human needs not only emphasized their importance for the society in which they originated but provided a rationale for proselytizing efforts elsewhere. (Danziger, 1997 p123).

So the focus of this effort is whether or not the Character Strengths and Virtues identified within Positive Psychology are truly ubiquitous, and are mere descriptions of a universal human nature; or if they are historically contingent conventions. If they are historically contingent conventions then the claims they are universal act as a call for people to act in certain ways, and thus are prescriptive rather than descriptive. Interventions based upon Positive Psychology become about individual change in order to conform with a particular model of humanity, rather than being about helping or inspiring people. The hopes that Peterson and Seligman expressed that the CSV becomes as important to psychology as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual become a little more sinister if the implicit purpose is to turn us all into happy members of the American middle classes who confirm to a 21st Century notion of what is to be human while believing it is the only possible way to be people.

Evidence for Ubiquity

  
Virtues
There are two lines of evidence about the commonality of virtues and character strengths. One is about virtues and based on the questions:

Would the virtue catalogs of early thinkers converge?
Would certain virtues, regardless of tradition or culture, be widely valued?
Dhaalsgard, Peterson and Seligman (2005, p204)

The second is about character strengths and based on cross national comparisons of people who have filled in the appropriate character strength survey, available from for example Seligman's website.

I will start by showing the results for the literature based empirical work.


Dhaalsgard, Peterson and Seligman (2005, p204)



Dhaalsgard, Peterson and Seligman (2005, p207)



There are a variety of textual analysis techniques available, unfortunately the technique used in not explicitly named in the paper and I am not convinced that even if they had used some systematic method to come to a set of results that there would be much point to the exercise.

This is, however what their method consisted of, from the published paper. They chose Smart's (1999) survey of World Philosophies as a starting point. From that they chose the traditions he talks about with the most readily accessible texts. From those texts they chose the ones that including a 'virtue catalog'. Following a review of those texts they came up with their six Virtues, and then went through the texts looking for what was said about that virtue within it, sometimes with the virtue only being apparent at a 'suitable level of abstraction'.

It might be worth saying that Smart asserted it was possible to study empirically some aspects of religions and other world views, these include the ritual, experiential and institutional aspects. With aspects like the doctrinal, mythological and ethical needed participation and dialogue to understand them.

Even if they had attempted a more hermeneutic understanding of their chosen texts I still doubt that it is what they claim it to be. The claim is that this is a description of the virtues, rather than a prescription. It is, at best, a description of prescriptions. 

That is might be someway towards cultural apologetics can be evidenced from the Wiki entry on virtues, which include this paragraph. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Virtue, accessed 10/2/2012).

After three years of study, 24 traits (classified into six broad areas of virtue) were identified, having "a surprising amount of similarity across cultures and strongly indicat[ing] a historical and cross-cultural convergence." These six categories of virtue are courage, justice, humanity, temperance, transcendence, and wisdom
     
    This assertion might be on its way to becoming cultural common sense.

     Character Strengths and Cross National Comparisons

    As far as I can tell no similar exercise was used to provide a justification for the character strengths. So for claims that these are universal the empirical evidence is based on survey work.



    The survey work was initially conducted via the web.  Two of the things they say about this struck me. The statement that the results of these surveys may reveal something universal about human nature. That, while acknowledging that it was a self selecting sample (people with internet access, who are interested enough in 'authentic happiness' to go to the website, register, and fill in one or more scales) the sample was at least as good as a clinical sample or a sample of undergraduates. The statistical tool they used was a correlation of the rank orders of which virtues were highest to lowest.

    That statement: "Our results may reveal something about universal human nature" based on an obviously biased sample and inadequate statistics perhaps reveals better than anything else why we should regard Positive Psychology as an explicit attempt at trying to promote one set of culturally contingent beliefs about human nature as if they were universal.

    Consequences

    In their 'history of psychology' Seligman and co-authors claim that for the second half of the twentieth century psychology has been too focused on mental health, and positive psychology provides the solution to this problem. I doubt that the problem has ever existed. Of course were I, like Seligman, to ignore areas of psychology like occupational and sports psychology I might believe that.
    Were I to ignore community psychology, with its attempt to work within comunities to provide a resource of psychological skills and knowledge to people to create positive outcomes I might even be able to delude myself into thinking that positive psychology is something new. It is however stunningly more successful in terms of being media friendly and essentially unchallenging than community psychology. 

    There is also the consequence that scientifically literate, philosophically literature  and theologically literature, if they delve into the evidence behind claims for universality might regard psychology with (even) less merit than they did before.

    It does however act as a good propogandising tool, and there are already those re-casting their particular interests as 'positive psychology' to try to get some benefit from the brand recognition that positive psychology will give them.







    References


    Danziger, K. (1997). Naming the mind: How psychology found its language. London: Sage.

    Peterson, C. & Seligman, M.E.P. (2004). Character Strengths and Virtues A Handbook and Classification. Washington, D.C.: APA Press and Oxford University Press.

    Seligman, M. P., & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An introduction. American Psychologist, 55(1), 5-14. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.5

    Seligman, M. P., Steen, T. A., Park, N., & Peterson, C. (2005). Positive Psychology Progress: Empirical Validation of Interventions. American Psychologist, 60(5), 410-421. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.60.5.410